BELGIUM
As announced in the last issue of "Spoils of War", the Study Commission on the Fate of the Jewish Goods Spoliated or Left behind during the Second World War started its work in September 1997. It has a two year mandate to study the economic sanctions taken against the Jewish community under the German occupation and the measures taken by the Belgian authorities after the war to recuperate the seized or left behind goods and find the legitimate owners. Despite limited means, it started an important work for both the Belgian Jewish community and Belgian contemporary history as it will enhance the knowledge of the German spoliations and of the post-war time in Belgium. The commission holds hearings of experts and representatives of the different sectors involved (bank, insurance, real estate etc.) who promised their full cooperation on this matter. At the same time, the historians are looking for and listing public and private archives regarding this subject. This work had never been done before, consequently these archives are kept in several different places under various conditions of preservation and are often incomplete which is a major problem for the commission's work.
The first intermediary report is scheduled to be published in June 1998.
In February, the board of the Ministers has officially designated the Minister of Economic Affairs, Elio Di Rupo, as the official representative of the Belgian State in spoliated goods recuperation cases. This decision will simplify the procedures that Belgium could make in order to recuperate spoliated goods.
Nicolas Vanhove, Ministry of Economic Affairs, Brussels

CZECH REPUBLIC
1. Cultural Movable Assets in Bohemia and Moravia during the Second World War
With the occupation of the territory of Bohemia and Moravia and the declaration of the Protectorate of Bohmen and Mahren, an entirely new situation governed the fields of cultural heritage and the care of national monuments. The then State Office for National Monuments continued to function as before, however, now supported by German institutions founded by the occupying forces which were to map out and, in particular cases, assemble cultural and historical monuments both for use in the Protectorate - whose territory was regarded historically as belonging within the Reich - and for the embellishment of various museums and galleries in the Reich itself.
Apart from via "official channels", monuments also vanished from Czech and Moravian territory as the result of various other activities directed at former state and private collections; the works of art owned by numerous noble families probably provided the greatest attraction, whose property was subject to compulsory administration by the occupying force. The Gestapo was evidently the most industrious in this respect; they regularly confiscated the property of victims of interrogation and imprisonment; a large amount of property was also acquired with the mass confiscation of Jewish assets. If we add to this the customary presentation of cultural and historical art works to Nazi chiefs and the private collections amassed by large numbers of officers and officials from the occupying administration, it is hardly surprising that the plunder of Czech cultural heritage was extremely widespread.
The first acquisition of artworks from this country occurred on March 15, 1939, intended for Hitler himself for whom a number of rare tapestries from Prague Castle were "packed ready for transport". While the Ftihrer made assurances that all cultural and historical monuments would remain in the Protectorate, further looting was to follow. During the initial phase the appropriation of historical monuments and works of art from this country was intended to supplement the Prague collections. The Nazi chiefs believed that art works from Prague should not be confiscated. Once the country was occupied, Prague was considered one of the capitals of the Third Reich, thus her cultural wealth now belonged to Hitler's Germany.
During the occupation four institutions in the Protectorate were mainly responsible for the systematic exploration into the cultural heritage of Bohemia and Moravia:Heeresmuseum Prag, Einsatzstab Rinnebach, Sammlung F.J. Rehse and representatives from the Sonderauftrag Linz. Archive sources available today, however, tell us very little about the enterprises of these organizations. The activities initiated by the Heeresmuseum are best documented due to the fact that a fragment of its archives has survived in the Military History Museum.
Heeresmuseum Prag
After the Czech Lands were occupied, Czechoslovak military, scientific and historical institutions were initially left in relative peace. The gradual liquidation of the Czechoslovak army and its installations also led to the closure of the institutions associated with it. On December 18, 1939, in the presence of the "Wehrmachts-bevollmachtigter im Protektorat" (Military Plenipotentiary of the Protectorate), the so-called "Kriegswissenschaftliche Verbindungstelle" was established as a branch of the War Archives in Vienna. The one-time Austro-Hungarian general Pitreich was appointed its director and the former Liberation Monument in Pragues Zizkov district was chosen as its headquarters.
Its task was to concentrate and administer all military monuments in the Protectorate with separate divisions for archive material, libraries and museum administration, namely the "Heeresarchiv", "Heeresbiicherei" and "Heeresmuseum" (Military Museum).
With time it became clear that these divisions could not be run from one center alone, thus an independent department was established for each group.
The Heeresmuseum became independent in the spring of 1940 and it assumed ownership of both Czechoslovak military museums: the Museum of the Liberation Monument and the Military History Museum in Prague's Invalidovna district. Dr Jan Josef Morper (the former curator of the Bamberg museum and author of a lengthy monograph on the Cernin Palace in Prague) took charge of the museum collections in June 1940, replaced on July 26, 1940 by lieutenant-colonel Rudolf Polzer as museum director. The Heeresmuseum Prag was controlled by the director of the German military museums ("Chefder Heeresmuseen") in Berlin in his position as high-ranking general.
During the latter half of 1941 the management of the Heeresmuseum 1945 managed to submit a claim for the acquisition of the Schwarzenberg Museum at Hradcany until 1945 (the Military History Museum remains here to this day).
The Heeresmuseum immediately began developing its immense collection program which was fundamentally oriented towards the confiscation or similar acquisition of military objects. The museum's program chiefly centered on earlier history (16th-19th centuries) and its enterprises expanded with the direct support and cooperation of political and administrative bodies (Landrat and Oberlandrat divisions) which secured the depositions and contents of museum and private collections from different regions for the needs of the center. All "undisputed property of military administration" was moved to Prague. Since the Reich's military administration considered itself the rightful successor not only to the Czechoslovak army but also to the former Austro-Hungarian army, claims were also made for objects in the possession of the former Austro-Hungarian regiments, a great extent of which were deposited in various local and regional museums after 1918. In cases where historical material could not be taken into possession, the objects had to be submitted as museum deposits in the form of compulsory loans.
Available sources clearly show that, as early as the autumn of 1940 when the first acquisition campaign reached its peak, many other objects disappeared from this country through Gestapo channels. Proof is provided in a special communication from the Director of the Museum of the Reichsprotektorat office where he points to the caprice of prominent crime officers which led to the confiscation of property belonging to detainees, in particular old weapons, paintings, books and archive material, which found its way into the Reich and Austria and, in so doing, managed to evade registration control.
In 1941, a period dominated by German military success, the Heeresmuseum directed its attention towards another group of buildings from which it intended to appropriate objects found in assorted collections. It dispatched a team of experts to examine collections housed in castles, churches, museums and private estates. At that time its investigations were concentrated chiefly on well-known military-historical works of art kept in castles and museums. The most precious exhibits were chosen for the museum and contracts for long-term loans were concluded with their owners (under coercion in the majority of cases). Thus in 1941 the Heeresmuseum became the new home for 3,280 artworks from Konopiste, 363 from Roudnice, 45 from Chropyne, 684 from Zbiroh, 102 from Opocno, 36 from the Palace of the Knights of St. John in Prague, the field altar of Prince Eugene de Savoie-Carignan, along with many examples of silver and gilded vessels used during mass, vestments from the Pardubice museum and a number of other objects.
The Heeresmuseum adopted a different approach for art objects kept at the former Liberation Monument. Most of the paintings were offered via a written order from the garrison for permanent loan, thus a large number of originals by artists from the First Republic found their way into offices, dormitories, officers' clubs and private flats. Many paintings were presented as gifts. Metal objects - miscellaneous competition awards - were passed on to the Hitlerjugend and the Curatorium, others were reserved for the Reich metal collection. Conversely, the fragments of documents from the Heeresmuseum contain a number of records on antique weapons, historical books and sundry objects given to the Museum by the Gestapo.
Paradoxically, the active endeavors of the Heeresmuseum Prag stopped short three days before its planned gala opening on June 3, 1944. On the last day of May, an order arrived from Hitler's military headquarters to close down the Museum. The reason for this measure lay in the reluctance on the part of the Museum's directors to work with Dr Rupprecht from Vienna on the selection of exhibits for the Son-derauftrag Linz (see below).
The Museum was shut down after its closure, although Nazi dignitaries would be shown round the Palace from time to time. There was no particular hurry with its liquidation since the fate of the Museum's contents had yet to be resolved. The initial idea had been to return all the deposits to their original locations, particularly the castle collections. The other exhibits were to be transferred to the Heeresmuseum in Vienna, however, their transportation proved something of a problem: According to precise calculations, transportation by train would have required approximately 200 carriages which, in 1944, would have meant the use of roughly 5-7 freight trains. Further setbacks arose in connection with the production of the transport crates and the difficulties in securing the necessary amount of wood-wool for packing the exhibits. Thus the project was rejected by the economic division as unworkable. In light of the worsening transport situation and lack of necessary materials, it was decided that the safest option would be to leave the collections in Prague, also since the capital had not been bombed by the allied airforce.
Despite this decision, however, shelters ("Ausweichstellen") were chosen to safeguard objects of considerable material and artistic value - within the Protectorate, objects from the Heeresmuseum were located in the castles at Zbraslav and Doksany near Terezin; in the Reich refuges were found in the Banz monastery near Bamberg and Dorfchemnitz castle near Dippoldiswalde (outside Dresden).
Einsatzstab Rinnebach
Another organization responsible for the "care" of cultural heritage in the Protectorate was the Einsatzstab Rinnebach. Regrettably, we know little as yet about its activities during the War. The name itself does suggest certain parallels between this team headed by Captain Rinnebach and Einsatzstab Rosenberg, which operated under the supervision ofNSDAP Reichsfiihrer Alfred Rosenberg from 1940 in the occupied territories of Belgium, Holland and France and whose task was to find and document cultural and historical objects destined for the Reich.
In the spring of 1941 Rosenberg's organization, initially limited to the occupied territories of Western Europe, expanded eastwards. Rosenberg established other Einsatzstabs in these regions, each with their own directors. He appointed Gerhard Utikal, until this time Reichsfiihrer of services, as head of all Einsatzstabs and staff director at his own Einsatzstab head office. Rosenberg's organization also employed political leaders from the Nazi party and other persons of influence. They wore a brown uniform which distinguished them as members of a special unit, however, they remained under military control, directly answerable to military generals who enjoyed the highest authority in the occupied countries.
On May 1, 1941 the German field marshal and chairman of the ministerial defence council Hermann Göring issued a command directed at "action group" staff: "I welcome the decision of Reichsführer Rosenberg to establish action groups in all occupied territories which are to secure and transport to Germany all scientific material and cultural estate from the regions in question. All party, state and military agencies are called upon to provide all possible support and assistance to comply with these entitlements..."
A year later, on March 1, 1942 Hitler himself issued a special edict in which he stated the following: "...therefore I have entrusted Reichsfiihrer A. Rosenberg (...) with the task (...) of examining libraries, archives, lodges and other ideological and cultural facilities of all kinds in accordance with the relevant material with view to their confiscation (...) for subsequent scientific study. Cultural estate in the possession or ownership of Jews and property whose origins cannot be verified as pure will be governed by the same procedure...", in other words, also property subjected to compulsory administration.
The Einsatzstab Rinnebach in this country came under the jurisdiction of the Reichsprotektor in Prague. This group maintained a prominent position within the state organization set up to seek out and catalogue cultural monuments in Bohemia and Moravia. Testimony of this is contained in a letter from the head of the German chancellery and Reichsminister Dr Lammers dated June 12, 1943 in which he notifies the group via the Reichsprotektor in Prague that "it is the Ftihrer's wish that no decision be made concerning the confiscated and expropriated collections of paintings, books, furniture, carpets, precious stones, weapons, coins and medals until the Führer has the opportunity to decide upon their fate himself."
As fragmentary documents from the Heeresmuseum show, this group transferred to the Prague museum certain works of art which were not essential for their long-term plans.
The organization continued to work unimpeded in this country during the period October 1941 to June 1943. Surviving documents confirm that it targeted collections found on noble and Jewish estates in Bohemia and Moravia which were subject to compulsory administration; such documents have been found at the following castles and estates: Bezdekov, Bucovice, Castolovice, Dobhs, Dymokury, Habrovany, Holesov, Horin, Chlumec nad Cidlinou, Jaromerice, Konopiste, Kos-telec nad Orlici, Kromehz, Kunstat, Libechovice, Melnik, Opocno, Orlik, Oslavany, Rajec-Jestrebi, Roudnice, Rychnov nad Kneznou, Tele, Troubsko, Zasmuky, Zbiroh, Zeiena Hora and Zdar nad Sazavou.
In his report to SS-Obersturmbannfuhrer Fischer dated June 1, 1943, Captain Rin-nebach announces the completion of the first stage of the inventories compiled at castles in Bohemia and Moravia. In his conclusion he states that "a large depository has been set up at Zbraslav castle to receive valuable museum pieces from Czech and Moravian castles and a large proportion of these cultural treasures from the Czech-Moravian environment (Konopiste and others) has already been installed here."
Another report from June 16, 1943 further states that "approximately 3,500 paintings, miniatures, sculptures, copper-engravings, pieces of furniture, and roughly 1,000 weapons, books and documents from libraries and archives have been transferred to the Regional Gallery and other institutions". The report also contains information about some 85 paintings, tapestries and graphics (Durer, Rembrandt, Breughel, van Dyck, Lucas Cranach, Paolo Veronese, Pettenkofer, Moritz von Schwindt, Spitzweg, Waldmuller and many others) from the castles of Oslavany and Habrovany which were moved by the Karl Herzig company to St Luke's Gallery in Vienna. The report ends with a note specifying that approximately 50 objects were to be included in the relevant inventories at a later date.
Sammlung F.J. Rehse
"Sammlung F.J. Rehse. Archiv fur Zeitgeschichte und Publizistik" (The F.J. Rehse Collection. Archive for Contemporary History and Current Affairs) was the title of a department of the NSDAP (National-Socialist German Workers' Party) headquarters in Munich, headed by F.J. Rehse. This department endeavored to acquire exhibits from Czech legionnaires' museums.
J. Gresser, a colleague of Rehse, worked in the Protectorate in 1941; he obtained from the administrator of confiscated legionnaires' property ("Der Treuhander fur das beschlagnahmte Vermogen der Legionars-Organisationen") SS Obersturm-bannfuhrer Dr Eilers (based in Saska street no. 44, Prague XIX) authorization to clear out ("ausraumen"!) all legionnaires' museums in the Protectorate and ship these exhibits to Munich. The museums were then sealed and the keys were generally handed in to offices of the local Gestapo.
The seizure of art collections thus acquired a fairly uniform character. After the Gestapo opened a museum, a team of largely Czech workers would be instructed to pack up the entire contents into crates which were then sent by rail to Munich. Over a fairly short period the same procedure was adopted in museums in Olomouc, Kromeriz, Brno, Prostejov and evidently in a number of other regions. In the Pizen museum, not only were legionnaires' exhibits singled out for confiscation but also over a hundred historical painted targets belonging to the Metropolitan Shooting Corps; other historical monuments were also removed from the museum in Hradec Kralove.
The activities of this Munich division were evidently a private concern of the NSDAP since the official state administration of the Protectorate, in particular, the military plenipotentiary, was unaware of this method of appropriating historical and military monuments. The military executive Dr Morper from the Heeresmuseum Prag discovered the activities ofJ. Gresser by chance during a business trip to Munich when he decided to pay a private visit to the Rehse collections in the Munich Residence and found several legionnaires' and Austro-Hungarian flags and banners from Bohemia and Moravia.
Investigating the circumstances under which these objects had found their way into the NSDAP collections, he uncovered various other facts and, after his return to Prague, submitted a report to his military superiors. The military plenipotentiary in the Protectorate subsequently took the matter to the supreme command of the armed forces (OKW) to request that the objects be returned to the Protectorate. What steps were taken after that time and whether any of the exhibits were returned during the occupation is not clear from any archive sources available to us today.
Sonderauftrag Linz
Hitler's museum in Linz, known as the Sonderauftrag Linz (Special Command) or the Führerbau, was a megalomaniac project commissioned by the Führer himself through which he intended to adorn his native town with priceless artworks. His aim was to build up a unique collection of cultural and historical pieces, and to assemble the best examples of European art which had been initially located in the Reich, later in the occupied territories. He entrusted his special advisers with the selection of the exhibits; the project was coordinated by Reichsführer Martin Bormann.
The first commissioner entrusted with the selection of paintings and sculptures for the Linz museum was the director of the Dresden gallery Dr Posse; after his death in 1942 he was replaced by Prof. Dr Voss who also succeeded him as director of the gallery. Other commissioners - the Fuhrer's special advisers - were appointed during the course of the War according to the rate at which it was necessary to filter through the immense wealth plundered all over Europe. Prof. Dr Rupprecht, director of the weapons collection at the Museum of Art History in Vienna, was chosen to examine and classify the valuable weapons and decorative art objects, Dr Dworschak, director of the same museum took charge of the coins and medals, and Dr Wolfshardt from Grundlsee in Austria sifted through the books and archivalia.
From the Czech environment Dr Posse chose panel paintings by the Master of the Vyssi Brod cycle and the Zavis Cross owned by the monastery in Vyssi Dvur, and paintings from the Lobkowicz collection in Roudnice; Dr Dworschak took away the coin collection from Zbiroh castle - all these fine examples would later grace the rooms in the Fuhrer's museum.
A whole chapter would be required to describe the industry of Prof. Rupprecht, brought to our knowledge again thanks to documents from the Heeresmuseum Prag. Rupprecht appeared in Prague sometime during the autumn of 1943, shortly after the issue of a special edict from the German Interior Minister notifying all administrations in the territory of the Reich - thus also the state minister in Bohemia and Moravia -, that the right to dispose of confiscated art collections reserved for the Fuhrer was also extended to historical weapon collections, including all relevant writings on the subject (books, archive material etc.). The Fuhrer appointed Prof. Rupprecht plenipotentiary in matters concerning the arrangements to be made for the collections before a decision was reached as to their future use.
Rupprecht established his right to act in Hitler's name in Prague and began to take an interest in exceptional works of art in Czech collections. He was particularly intrigued by the castle collections from Konopiste, Roudnice, Opocno and Hluboka, parts of which had already been deposited in the Heeresmuseum Prag. At the beginning of 1944 he sent his associate, Dr Schedelmann, to Prague to supervise the completion of his photographic archive; the prints were made by the firm Stenc.
During his trip in March 1944 Rupprecht visited state minister K.H. Frank with whom he discussed his assignment to gather objects for the Linz museum. One must state here that K.H. Frank, the Reich Protector and their advisers in matters of art and history, especially employees of the Heeresmuseum, rejected on principle every attempt to take the collections out of the Protectorate, reiterating the earlier pledge that all cultural and historical works of art would remain in the Protectorate.
After Rupprecht's departure, the Prague deputy for the German Ministry of Education, Dr Booth, informed Colonel Polzer, director of the Heeresmuseum, of Rupprecht's plans to obtain an inventory of the transferred collections and advised him to report the case to his superior immediately. Polzer reported the affair without delay to his chief in Vienna, General Brand, commander of the German military museums and declared that he would not issue any inventories. He also wrote that "...since one can assume that Prof. Rupprecht will acquaint the Fuhrer with the onesided facts of the case at the earliest opportunity, I urge you to take the appropriate steps to prevent this man from carrying out his intentions".
We could not ascertain what steps General Brand did take; the facts indicate that Prof. Rupprecht's position was not affected in any way and the whole episode took a quite different turn: Colonel Polzer was sent into retirement and, on Hitler's express orders, the Heeresmuseum was shut down just before it was to have been officially opened.
Prof. Rupprecht subsequently received the required inventories, he photographed and inspected the collections and prepared the exhibits for relocation. He was supported in his efforts by the commander of the armed forces, Marshal Keitel, and Hitler's first secretary, Reichsfuhrer Bormann. Both issued orders on September 25, 1944 - Keitel to General Brand and Bormann to K.H. Frank - that the Fuhrer requested all museum exhibits deposited in the Prague Heeresmuseum from various collections throughout the Protectorate be delivered to Prof. Rupprecht without delay.
At the end of October that same year, Rupprecht traveled to Prague to supervise the packing and transfer of the selected works. By the end of November he had removed from the Protectorate over 1,000 examples of valuable weapons, arms and military effects.
This brief analysis of the situation facing our cultural heritage during the Second World War does not contain, nor can it contain - in view of the current stage of research - an accurate description of all activities leading to the confiscation, concentration and removal of cultural movable assets from this country - namely the former Protectorate of Bohmen and Mahren. It does clarify to a considerable extent, however, the principles and mechanisms employed by the Nazi machinery. The fate of the movable cultural heritage located in regions relinquished to Germany after the Munich Agreement in September 1938, i.e. the former Sudetenland, remains unresolved. I hope that here, too, we will encounter some surprising facts in the near future.
2. Post-War Restitution
Shortly after the end of the War an inquiry was set up to discover the whereabouts of lost and displaced objects from the period of the occupation. The most reliable reports have so far been ascertained from documents kept at the Military History Archives in Prague.
A repatriation (restitution) commission was founded at the end of June 1945 comprising representatives from the Ministries of Foreign Relations, Defense, Education and Culture. Generally speaking, these institutions conducted their investigations almost independently in their efforts to compile lists of misplaced objects and subsequently to discover their location.
The first practical steps towards the restitution of our cultural heritage were taken by the Defense Ministry headquarters in cooperation with the Military History Institute, the Military History Museum (lieutenant colonel Vrecko and the department for Allied Army Relations (captain Suk). The first restitution mission - comprising Vreeko and Suk - left for the American occupation zone on September 21, 1945, a trip which resulted in the recovery of historical weapons from Banz monastery and nine paintings by the Master of the Vyssi Brod Cycle from Munich which were brought to Prague on October 13. The most valuable gain from the first trip, however, were the contacts established with American occupation bureaus.
During the second trip made by the two men in November 1945, the purpose of which was to discuss with American organizations the draft of the "Plan for practical procedures to be undertaken for the restitution of Czechoslovak cultural effects", talks were also held with view to sending a Czechoslovak government representative delegated to the American command. On the basis of this agreement and a further request from the American bodies that Czech delegates be sent out, a five-member mission from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was dispatched on January 17, 1946 which included Dr Winkler from the Ministry of Education (art historian) and captain Suk. This journey signified the launch of the Czechoslovak Mission for Restitution to the CSR whose task was to gather information on stolen works of art in Germany and to request repatriation papers from the relevant Czechoslovak institutions, essential for the issue of the recovered objects. This mission worked closely with the American organization MFA&A (Monuments, Fine Arts and Archives Section) which operated within the American secret service.
Vrecko's team continued with the restitution program in 1946. In May Vrecko brought to Prague the Zavis Cross from Vyssi Brod and part of the Konopisti collections: Renaissance weapons and arms, tapestries and paintings filling a total of 42 large crates. 14 of these crates were found in the salt mines in Alt-Aussee and 28 were discovered in Salzburg. In July Vrecko's team arrived in Prague from Vienna with 22 crates and 17 parcels of additional art works from the Konopiste collection.
These are examples of the most important restitution projects undertaken shortly after the war. Without doubt, other missing objects were also returned to the Republic, however, further research should be carried out in the near future in order to provide a precise account of these discoveries.
3. Restitution: A Current Issue
The fate of cultural heritage misplaced during the Second World War and the issues associated with it continue to have relevance to this day. The post-November transformations in this country allowed for a swifter flow of information from abroad, providing us with greater insight into these problems. Before 1989, work in this field was the sovereign domain of the Interior Ministry alone, perhaps also a few officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, celebrated all over the world in a new international political environment, particularly due to the radical changes occurring in Central and Eastern Europe, gave all the more validity to the restitution process. Greater access to archives today affords a much more detailed study of relevant documents than was possible during the late 1940s and the period of the growing cold war.
Articles appearing in the Czech and foreign press continue to remind us of unsolved or muted problems. They refer particularly to the fate of Jewish property and caches of documents, valuables and works of art. The restitution of art works also continues to be the subject of debate. Let us mention at random just a few themes which have recently been examined: the Jewish gold in Swiss banks, the fate of Jewish property in Bohemia and Moravia, the return of the so-called Troja treasure from the former USSR to Germany and the Stechovice treasure.
A number of cultural and historical objects removed from this country during the Second World War are still missing. An investigation carried out by the Ministry of Culture in 1994 in Czech cultural institutions to try to ascertain the extent of the loss discovered that almost 10,000 objects of cultural value disappeared during the war (according to an article by P. Jirasek published in the magazine "Spoils of War", no. 1). To this day, for example, there is no trace of the historical monuments from Charles University, nor of the 18 crates filled with historical works which were shipped off to Dippoldiswalde towards the end of the war; we do not know what became of Adolf Hitler's documents hidden at the end of the war in the Vyssi Brod monastery, the National Gallery is still missing a number of paintings, the State Library lacks many books and a number of private collectors have yet to see their property safely returned.
The issue of the restitution of works of art is frequently discussed; in 1994 the Quedlinburg treasure was returned to Germany from a private collection after a decision reached by the American courts - in this case an international precedent. The author of this text processes conclusive evidence that at least one valuable Italian Renaissance work of art seized from Konopiste by the Nazis during the war is housed in an American collection.
We also have the option of re-examining known caches. It was by returning to locations such as this, for example, that three crates of gold and silver objects belonging to the former Saxon royal line of Wettin were found last year near Moritzburg castle not far from Dresden; the Soviet army also dug up thirty crates of silver in the same location in 1947.
During late November and early December 1994 an international conference was convened in Bremen to discuss the question of documentation, archive research and the restitution of cultural heritage displaced during the war, attended by representatives from institutions in Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Holland, Poland, the Ukraine and the USA. The result of this convention, apart from a valuable information exchange, was the publication of the international magazine "Spoils of War", issued twice a year by the Coordination Office of the Federal States for the Return of Cultural Property. This newsletter acts as a current international forum for a problem which many institutions in a number of countries consider of great importance.
The situation in the Czech Republic is somewhat different. There is a notable lack of available assistance on an institutional level whereby current questions would be solved and information exchanged on an international level, involving the coordination of all parties concerned.
The consequences of our historical development have also left their mark. The majority of specialists who became involved in the repatriation of cultural heritage shortly after the war were removed from their positions during the course of 1947 and, in 1948, these ventures were finally brought to a complete standstill. Another factor complicating the situation was the changes instigated by the regime regarding property originally owned by noble families, the church and private collections of which a considerable part was not returned to its owners before a new totalitarian system took hold.
According to available sources, the current quest to discover the whereabouts of collections seized by the Germans in this country during the war is being undertaken only by a handful of professionals or institutions. These include the Federation of Jewish Communities which is compiling a list of confiscated Jewish property, the cultural attache and press secretary of the Czech embassy in Berlin, Jan Sechter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is chiefly trying to locate the monuments from Charles University, according to various sources, Dr Helena Krejcova from the Institute of Contemporary History and also the author of this report. The cooperation between J. Sechter and L. Cepicka is beginning to produce fascinating results. Jan Sechter recently also submitted a report on displaced objects to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
4. Available Sources
I believe that there is a fairly large number of sources available on this particular issue, the study of which could bring a number of surprises. These sources may in principle be divided into several spheres.
In order to discover more about the activities of the Nazi bodies during the war it will clearly be necessary first to carry out archive research, chiefly in the branch of the Bundesarchiv in Beriin-Zehlendorf, fund NS 30 "Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Ro-senberg" and fund NS 8 "Kanzlei Rosenberg", perhaps also in the Militararchiv in Freiburg; Czech institutions which could provide a wealth of information include the Interior Ministry Archives, the fund of the former Archive Research Institute and finally the fragmentary archives of the Heeresmuseum Prag. This basic research should complement investigations under way in the archives of the National Property Administration for which lists of objects lost during the War (particularly paintings) were compiled after World War II, and in the archives of the Ministry of Finance which has drawn up clearly-arranged tables and diagrams showing economic and cultural losses which occurred during the occupation.
I consider research undertaken in the archives of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Education and Culture, the Ministry of Defense and the Military History Archives (Military History Institute fund) to be of fundamental importance if we are to learn more about the activities of the restitution commission after the occupation.
In order to complete this complex mosaic it will be necessary to carry out research in individual institutions affected by the Nazi pillage or the subsequent nationalization after 1945 and 1948; these data may be compared and correlated with entries from the Inventory and Separation Commission of the state civil court made shortly after the founding of the independent Republic at the beginning of the 1920s during the first land reform.
Ladislav Cepicka, Historian, Lhota

GERMANY
In January this year the Coordination Office of the Federal States for the Return of Cultural Property moved to Magdeburg. The office is now located in the Ministry of Culture and Education of Saxony-Anhalt. It is part of the Foundation for Castles, Stately Homes and Gardens of this federal state. All 16 states of the Federal Republic of Germany are now members of the Coordination Office. The executive committee of the Coordination Office - consisting of the head of the departments of Culture in the respective Ministries of all states - during its session in Hamburg in November 1997 elected a new board. Chairman now is Eckart Kirn (Saxony-Anhalt), the deputies are Barbara Kisseler (Lower Saxony) and - as was the case during the last years - Bernd Mehlitz (Berlin).
When the Russian law was pending there was for a long time no advance in the Russian-German negotiations. But at least one of the expert groups of the two countries met again after a long time. The expert group of museums and collections held its meeting on December, 2 and 3, 1997 in St. Petersburg. The only topic was the inspection of the medieval glass windows of the Church of St. Mary ("St. Marienkirche") in Frankfurt/Oder. 111 single pieces (40 x 80 cm) were brought to Potsdam in 1943 to secure them. The Soviet trophy brigade took them to the Hermitage. During transport many of the pieces were damaged. It was agreed that experts from the state Brandenburg, where Frankfurt/Oder is located, and the Hermitage will work together on a list of the single pieces and establish a plan concerning the time and costs of the restoration. The next meeting is supposed to be held in June this year.
The Hermitage is planning an exhibition with parts of the Schliemann collection of Trojan antiquities, which were brought to Leningrad in 1945 and remained there until now. The director of the Museum for Pre- and Early History in Berlin was invited to St. Petersburg in order to talk about the German-Russian cooperation on behalf of the exhibition ("Schliemann, St. Petersburg, Troja"). In return in January this year the responsible curator of the exhibition in the Hermitage came to Berlin.
The German-Polish working group met in November 1997 in Warsaw for the second time. Both sides handed over a list of restitutions of cultural property between the two countries since 1945. They also provided lists of cultural treasures now to be found in institutions of the other country. The experts agreed that it is their task only to establish the facts and not to talk about the political or legal problems. The next meeting will take place'in Magdeburg on May, 27 and 28.
On the occasion of the visit of President Herzog to Ukraine three drawings from the Bremen Kunsthalle were given back on February 5, 1998. The private collector Ser-gej Platanow had the paintings in his possession and prompted the return. Drawings from the Kunsthalle Bremen also surfaced in the USA. In September last year 12 drawings were confiscated in New York by U.S. authorities. For more details on this case see the special report by Thomas R. Kline in this issue of "Spoils of War".
The results of the enquiry about Italian cultural property now possibly located in the Federal Republic of Germany were handed over to the Italian side by the German Foreign Ministry. Some objects could indeed be found in German institutions after the distribution of the Italian catalogue "Treasures Untraced - An Inventory of the Italian Art Treasures Lost during the Second World War".
On April, 9 an exhibition in Dresden opened its doors: "Back in Dresden: An Exhibition of Formerly Missing Works of the State Galleries Dresden. Collection of Sculptures, Armoury, Department of Prints and Drawings, Picture Gallery Old and New Masters". The variety of objects which have been lost and found again is shown in this exhibition. Among the objects there are four paintings by Cranach. The exhibition will be open for two months.
A painting by Rogier van der Weyden - "Philip der Gute von Burgund" (Philip the Good of Burgundy) - was supposed to be auctioned by Christie's in Paris. It is identical with a painting missing from the museum in Castle Friedenstein/Gotha. The German authorities and the museum were informed about the case. It is also the town of Gotha which is involved in a law suit concerning the painting by Joachim A. Wtewael ("Holy Family with Holy John, Holy Elizabeth and Angels"). The next hearing in this case will take place in London in June 1998. The judgment is expected for the summer this year.
Doris Lemmermeier, former Project Leader of the Coordination Office
of the Federal States for the Return of Cultural Property, Potsdam

HUNGARY
The meeting of the Hungarian-Russian Restitution Committee was held in Moscow, on November 10-11, 1997. The Russian party informed us that the Restitution Bill passed by both houses of Parliament was now before the Constitutional Court whose decision could be expected sometime in spring 1998. If the bill is enacted, its execution will be the task of the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Confederation instead of a separate organization as originally planned.
Both parties agreed that the identification of the 134 paintings and statues in the Grabar Institute has been carried out, and the identification of the books from the Sarospatak Library has also been completed. They agreed that they would combine their efforts to ensure that these books be returned as soon as possible.
The members of the Hungarian delegation visited the Museum of the Russian Armed Forces where they were received cordially by the director of the museum and they were shown the Hungarian historical military flags housed in the museum. These flags include some which had been taken as booty by Tsarist troops in 1849. Even though these flags had been returned to Hungary before World War II by the then Soviet government, the Red Army seized these flags again in 1944-45, and took them to Moscow. The museum collection also includes a large 18th century gobelin from the Royal Palace in Buda Castle, brought there from Vienna by Emperor Francis Joseph after 1867, which was similarly taken to Moscow as part of the war booty. This gobelin, however, is currently not housed in this museum, but in one of its affiliate museums. A photo of this gobelin has appeared in a military publication published in Moscow.
Sadly, no agreement was reached concerning possible research in Russian archives, meaning that Hungarian experts are still barred from investigating formerly classified documents which might provide clues to the fate of Hungarian artworks.
Complying with the request of the Russian party, the Hungarian committee will prepare the legal title to the return of Hungarian artworks that are currently held in Russia. The Russian side emphasized that Russia will act in harmony with international legal norms in matters of restitution. The Russian side mentioned two cases when the Hungarian army had taken valuables from Russia (from the Kursk library and the Ostrogozhsk museum). The Hungarian side will investigate whether books and artworks from these two Russian collections are currently housed in any Hungarian museum.
The Hungarian party has handed over documents concerning the meeting between representatives of the Allied Control Committee and the Hungarian government on June 1, 1946, which verify that the Hungarian government complied with the requirements set down in article 6 of the Armistice Agreement signed in Moscow on January 20, 1945. This article stipulated that the Provisional Government of Hungary undertakes to return all goods which were taken from the Soviet Union to Hungary.
István Fodor, Director of the Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum, Budapest

ITALY
The most significant development for the "Commissione Interministeriale per il Recupero delle Opere d'Arte" has been a new joint decree dated December 23, 1997 by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Cultural Heritage by which the field of action of the Commissione has been redefined as "activities of a diplomatic - cultural character aiming at the recovery of artifacts purloined from the Italian artistic heritage". The decree has in fact extended the time limits for the Commissione from World War II to the present day. While this will certainly have a decisive impact on the future work of the Commissione, the recovery of artifacts included in "Treasures Untraced - An Inventory of the Italian Art Treasures Lost during the Second World War" has remained its main task.
A ground breaking agreement with the Wadsworth Athenaeum, Hartford, CT, for the return of Jacopo Zucchi's "The Bath of Bathsheba" (see "Spoils of War", no. 4) saw its fulfillment with the opening in Hartford on April 23, 1998 of the exhibition "Caravaggio and its Italian followers" from the "Galleria Nazionale d'Arte Antica di Palazzo Barberini", Roma (see Bibliography). The extensive coverage in the American and Italian press and the great interest shown by the visitors to the Wadsworth Athenaeum, have made the exhibition a great success. The Commissione has approached other American Museums and a French one with proposals for similar operations, leading to the return to Italy of other works of art now in their legal possession, offering in exchange loans of works of art or other forms of compensation.
The deontological codes of conduct for museum directors and collectors are indeed receiving greater acceptance all over the world. In particular in the United States a lively debate is taking place on the issues concerned. The American Association of Art Museum Directors (AAMD) has dedicated to the issue its January 1998 session, although with mixed results. The Commissione is in touch with the AAMD and hopes for a more positive evolution in the future, when deontological correctness will prime over strictly legal points of view.
The distribution to German Museums, conducted by the German Ministry of the Interior and the "Koordinierungsstelle der Lander fur die Rtickfuhrung von Kultur-gutern", of "Verschollene Werke", the German edition of the inventory, has led to the localization of 17 works of art currently in German Museums. While one of them, Johannes Lingelbach's "The Battle of Constantine", was until 1945 in the Italian Embassy in Berlin on loan from the Palazzo Barberini, all others were purchased on the Italian art market during the war by agents acting on behalf of Hitler, Goring or German Museums. In the near future, a case by case analysis of the legal status of each work will by conducted jointly by the German and Italian sides.
Four Macchiaioli paintings from the Vitta collection, stolen in 1944, where blocked by Art Inspectors at Fiumicino Airport in October 1997. They were on loan to a Florence Art Gallery from the Dunedin Fine Arts Museum of Dunedin, New Zealand. The Dunedin Museum had bought them in 1994 from the sister and heir of a New Zealand ambulance driver, who had brought them to Dunedin in 1945 after serving in Italy with the Allied Army in 1943-45. The Commissione, given the peculiarities of the case, obtained that the four paintings could be regularly exhibited in Florence, but in the meantime traced the legitimate heirs of the Vitta collection and made them aware of the location of the paintings. Legal action is currently pending in Florence to determine the present legal status and property of the paintings.
The Commissione has also acted on behalf of the two Ministries concerned (Foreign Affairs and Cultural Heritage) in obtaining from the Italian judiciary the return to the countries of origin of artifacts under seizure from customs or police actions. Precolombian pottery seized in Genoa and Milan were returned to Ecuador and Peru, respectively. A precious book stolen from the National Library in Zagreb was handed over to the Croatian Ambassador in Rome.
As a final point the dream of putting on internet a first batch of pictures of works includes in "Treasures Untraced" is on the verge of becoming reality.
Mario Bondioli-Osio, President of
the Interministerial Commission for Artworks, Rome
Inquiries on this and other subjects can be addressed to the Commissione also by email:
comin.res@esteri.it or by Fax: + 39 - 6 - 679 28 80.

KOREA
Historical Background
The Korean peninsula, currently including South and North Korea, was under the reign of the Choson dynasty from 1392, and then had been occupied as a colony by Japan from 1910 until 1945. With Japan's surrender at the end of the Second World War, Korea was liberated in August 1945 after thirty-six years under the rule of Japanese imperialism. However, the world's political surroundings at that time forced the Korean peninsula to be divided into South and North Korea. Subsequently in June 1950, the Korean War broke out between the two regions, and lasted until July, 1953. Korea has remained as a divided country since the Armistice Agreement in 1953.
The displacement of cultural property outside of Korea was, for the most part until the end of the Second World War, done by the Japanese Government-General ("Chong-dok-bu") and by Japanese individuals which included Japanese antique dealers and private collectors who started their business during the colonial period. "Chong-dok-bu" removed, in the name of academic research, a large number of Korean antiquities and important archives to Japanese institutions such as museums and universities.
The Japanese Government-General's ("Chong-dok-bu") Destructive Policy of Korean Cultural Property During the Pacific War (1941-1945)
In 1937 Japan launched a full-scale attack on China after the Manchurian Incident of 1931 which had provided the Japanese government with a military foothold in the Far East. After the war with China, Japan concluded the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, and entered the Second World War attacking the American fleet in Pearl Harbor in December, 1941.
During this war, Japan carried out a so-called "total national mobilization policy", and transformed Korea into a supply base for Japan's war industry. "Chong-dok-bu" even enforced measures for the requisition of Korean items made of metal under the slogan "Spiritual Cooperation Behind the Guns" in order to use the metal for weapon materials. Due to the enforced measures, metal articles of many kinds which included Korean cultural objects, such as metalwork used in religious ceremony, temples' bells and Buddhist statues were told to be "donated" to the Japanese war effort (see picture I).
Simultaneously, with increasing signs of defeat for the Japanese in the War, there were also more active independence movements of the Koreans. Such circumstances led "Chong-dok-bu" to establish its colonial policy to destroy Korea's heritage. As a part of the destructive policy, "Chong-dok-bu" executed a secret plan whose document was titled "A Matter Concerning Both Enforcement of Discipline of Korean Confucian Scholars and Removal of Anti-State-of-Affairs Historic Remains in Korea".
This document was drawn up on November 24, 1943, and was forwarded from the director of the Bureau of Education & Management, "Chong-dok-bu" to the director of the Bureau of Police Administration. Thereafter, the head of each provincial police division was notified of the document as a secret order. By means of the directive, "Chong-dok-bu" tried to destroy Korea's historical stone monuments that had likely given rise to national consciousness and anti-Japanese resistance movements. Included amongst the monuments were "Hwang-san-dae-chop-bi" of King Taejo (1392-1398)1 and "Seok-chang-bi"2 of Sa-myong, the great Buddhist priest during the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592. The document indicated that such items were required to be pulled down since they gave victorious accounts of the history of Korean resistance to Japanese invasions.
In particular, "Hwang-san-dae-chop-bi" had the important value of representing the academic and aesthetic standard of the times during which it had been created. It was, however, the very first monument to be destroyed, by dynamite explosion. "Seok-chang-bi" was also demolished in accordance with the order of the head of the police division, Kyung-sang-nam Province in December, 1943.
The Agreement Concerning Cultural Property and Cultural Cooperation Between the Republic of Korea (R.O.K., South Korea) and Japan, 1965
After the end of the Second World War and the restoration of independence to Korea in 1945, the Republic of Korea (R.O.K., South Korea) and Japan established what is called the "R.O.K. - Japan Talks" on February 15, 1952. The talks were held six times in fourteen years until the two countries came to an agreement. They signed "The R.O.K. - Japan Basic Relations Treaty" for the normalization of diplomatic relations on June 22, 1965. It was the fourth in the series of the talks of 1958 when the Republic of Korea commenced to develop a serious discussion concerning the return and restitution of Korean cultural property which had been removed and displaced by Japan during both the Second World War and the colonial occupation.
The "Agreement Concerning Cultural Property and Cultural Cooperation Between the Republic of Korea and Japan" was included as an attachment to the treaty in 1965. It prescribed that the Japanese government should return to the R.O.K. government the cultural property enumerated in a list attached to the Agreement within six months according to a mutually consented procedure. Concerning the Korean cultural property possessed by Japanese private organizations and citizens, the minute book of the Agreement stated that the Japanese government hoped and recommended that such property should be returned to the Republic of Korea.
The R.O.K. government claimed the restitution of 4,479 items which had been identified at the time of the agreement. Only 1,432 items amongst them were returned. It hardly affected the restitution of Japanese private collections. Also, in case of the archives, the Japanese restitution came under strong criticism, since it was discovered that the quantity of the collections of literary works was calculated not by the set but by the volume.
The Korean cultural property brought into Japan has been continuously identified by academic associations, non-governmental organizations and individual researchers since the two countries signed the treaty in 1965. Thus, the Republic of Korea has been making a proposal to Japan for the organization of a joint committee which can investigate the actual conditions of Korean items that Japanese private organizations and citizens currently possess. However, as Japan has continued to show no affirmative response, further official contacts between the two governments have scarcely been made in order to consider these matters since the Agreement in 1965.
Jongsok Kim, Researcher, City University,
Department of Arts Policy and Management, London
For references and literature see section Bibliography.
N o t e s:
1 Hwang-san is the name of a Korean site where King Taejo (the first king of the Choson dynasty, 1392-1398) defeated the Japanese armed forces during the Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea in 1592. Dae-chop is a sweeping (great) victory, Bi a stone monument.
2 Seok-chang does not have a related historical meaning, but may be a religious or literary one that should be considered to only be a name. Bi is a stone monument.

LUXEMBOURG
Unfortunately there is no big news from Luxembourg. We were in direct contact with our friends in Moscow, who couldn't understand why professor Rastorguiev didn't give us the information we asked for. We wait and hope...
On the other hand we are now able to give more precise information on the ways Jewish property was spoliated by Germans in Luxembourg. Some hints point to works of art, but there is no precise description available until now. So we think that patient research is still needed if we want to complete our documentation.
A follow-up conference scheduled for early summer in Washington at the U.S. Holocaust Museum was announced at the London Conference on Nazi Gold by Under Secretary Stuart Eizenstat. This conference should focus on real property, securities, bonds, insurance and artworks.
Having in mind the positive results of the London conference, we hope that the follow-up conference could give a decisive impulse to the recovery of works of art spoliated during the war. We believe that research work that will be done for this conference will help us to get access to archival material not available until now.
Paul Dostert, National Council of the Resistance, Luxembourg

NORWAY
Rediscovering History. The Restitution Process in Norway. Introduction
On March 29, 1996 an official Committee was appointed by the Norwegian Ministry of Justice to conduct a survey on what happened to Jewish property in Norway during and after World War II. The Committee was headed by a County Governor and consisted of seven members, mostly lawyers and historians. Two of these members were appointed by the Jewish communities of Norway: psychologist Berit Reisel and historian Bjarte Bruland.
The methods employed by the Committee in its investigation were a study of general source materials, examination of registrations in estate files (i.e. the files that were opened on each estate) and a study of the records relating to the administration of estates. These approaches provide different sorts of information and have different kinds of limitations. They must therefore be seen in context if they are to contribute to an overview of the entire liquidation and reparation process.
After more than a year of work the Committee split into a majority of five members and a minority of two, who delivered each their own report to the Minister of Justice on June 23, 1997. The majority report was characterized by a financial accounting approach while the minority report was characterized by a wider perspective including moral and ethical aspects. The difference in views and perspectives between the two reports had grave economic implications. On April 30, 1998 the Norwegian Prime Minister, Kjell Magne Bondevik, made public that the Government had chosen the minority's views and approach to the matter and the minority report as the basis for further work. The following article is written by the two members of the minority.
Historical Background
The economic liquidation of the Norwegian Jews during World War II was total. The Norwegian Jews were deprived of all rights of ownership and any kind of business base. This led to economic losses in the broadest sense of the term, in that an entire religious, cultural, economic and social community was destroyed.
In 1941-1942 the Jewish population of Norway consisted of approximately 1,000 households numbering a total of 2,173 individuals. These families lived mainly in Oslo and Trondheim, but the sources show that there were Jews living in over 60 municipalities throughout the country. The Jewish minority was primarily involved in the business sector. Norwegian Jews owned 401 enterprises. Approximately 40 individuals were members of professions (doctors, dentists and lawyers). The remainder were craftsmen and artists. Few were employed in the public sector, or as farmers or fishermen. There were two main communities, in Oslo and Trondheim. In both cities the Jewish population enjoyed a lively cultural life, and the Jewish communities operated many religious institutions and cultural organizations which ran various educational and welfare programs. There were also old-age homes and an orphanage. In Oslo and Trondheim there were three synagogues as well as centers for religious studies. Both communities had mortuaries, and there were three cemeteries.
Due to the Quisling regime in Norway during the period of German occupation from April 9,1940 to May 8, 1945 the Jewish minority in Norway was treated as harsh as the Jews in other parts of occupied Europe with Auschwitz as their ultimate destination. In contrast to the situation in several other European countries, however, Jewish property was seized by the Norwegian state and included in the national treasury. In order to understand the economic losses incurred by the Jewish minority during World War II, the physical and economic liquidation of the Jews must be regarded as two aspects of the same crime, sharing the following systematically organized features: restriction of rights, segregation and isolation, confiscation and economic liquidation, deportation, and physical liquidation. In other words, the liquidation was compound, and its objective was the complete annihilation of the Jews as a group. The methods used to achieve the economic part of the goal ensured that the religious and cultural centers, together with the property and businesses of Jewish families, were liquidated as though they were bankrupt estates. The purpose of this was to enable the Nazi authorities to seize control of the property while also ensuring that all Jewish business operations ceased.
These economic measures were carried out as a result of the Norwegian Act of October 26, 1942 relating to the confiscation of property belonging to Jews. The process of formalizing the economic liquidation was closely connected with the process of physical liquidation of the Norwegian Jews, and, indeed, the deportations began immediately after the economic liquidation process had begun. It would obviously not have been possible to implement such a complete liquidation of the property and assets of an entire group of people if plans for internment or deportation had not been prepared in advance. A total of 767 Jews were deported from Norway. Thirty survived. The remainder of the Jews who had lived in Norway fled the country.
The formalized liquidation process was based on the principle that each estate would be settled as though it were bankrupt. For the same reason, each individual household was converted into a joint ownership with one individual in the home, usually the husband, designated as the owner. This meant that each unit (household or business) was transformed into a fixed quantity, on the condition that the unit continued to exist as a legal person, so that the current expenses could continue to be charged to the estate even after liquidation had taken place.
The collective aspect of the economic liquidation of the Norwegian Jews was of major significance, as they were not meant to survive. Their belongings and assets were distributed according to certain distribution formulas, to ensure the interest of the nazi regime. Some of the assets were sold however, and the profits from this sale formed the basis of what is called the joint Jewish assets. By the end of the war the Liquidation Board had used approximately 30 per cent of these assets for its own administration (see Table I, Distribution of Assets and Table II, The Liquidation Process for Registered Assets).

After the war the complicated process of reparation began. Everyone from whom property had been stolen, Jews and non-Jews alike, should, in principle, have been able to demand its return. However, this proved to be impossible, one of the reasons being that the financial basis for reparation was no longer intact. In addition, the authorities established a complex system of regulations based on two main principles which they regarded as important in post-war reparation efforts: equalization and reconstruction. The rules laid down according to these principles were designed to determine the amount of reparation each applicant should receive in proportion to what he had lost. The equalization principle was implemented by calculating reductions according to a special scale. The result of this system was that the greater the loss, the smaller the percentage of compensation. The reconstruction principle was implemented by making special reductions in the estate for each family member who had died.
These principles of compensation had particularly far-reaching consequences for the Jews, due to the collective and total nature of the liquidation, and to the unique pattern of deaths. Thus, 230 families were totally annihilated, and the remaining families experienced serious losses. According to the reparations agencies, the survivors were not considered eligible for full compensation, because this compensation was based on assumptions about the applicants' ability to reconstruct their pre-war lives and businesses. They were either given reduced compensation or were simply not taken into consideration at all when compensation was paid out, even when they were legal heirs. Another area of concern for the reparations agencies was that if Jews were to inherit from their deceased relatives, they would be considered "war profiteers" as "they would acquire funds to which they would not have had access under normal circumstances".
As a result of the unique pattern of deaths, the compensation paid out by the reparations agencies followed two different courses: one for the survivors who were registered as having funds in the joint Jewish assets, and one for the heirs of those thus registered. People in the second category might be members of the same household as the registered owner of funds in the joint Jewish assets, but since they were not registered as the owner, they had no right to claim their inheritance until the registered owner was declared legally deceased. But because they did not issue death certificates in Auschwitz, the survivors had no way of proving that their missing relatives were dead. This meant that rather than being regarded as legally deceased by Norwegian authorities, the murder victims were, until the autumn of 1947, classified as missing. In 1947 efforts were begun to reclassify those missing as dead, and to devise an order of deaths for each family. For instance, in cases where a mother and her children had been sent into the gas chamber together, the reparations agencies had to determine in which order they died, so as to determine the heir's place in the order of inheritance. All of these complications meant that the process of settling the estates was protracted, usually lasting from eight to ten years, or even longer; the last settlement for which we have information took place in 1987. Due to the length of this process, the expenses charged to the estates were extremely high.
The estates of the deceased amounted to half of the estates which were awarded funds from the reparations agencies.
The total of the joint Jewish assets can be estimated to NOK 23 million in 1940 values. According to the Statistics Norway price index, this amounts to ca NOK 450 million in today's value. The categories not included in the joint Jewish assets, however, were the value of the property distributed according to the distribution formulas, losses incurred due to the destruction of the Jewish enterprises which formed the economic basis of the Jewish community, and other losses which cannot be quantified but which clearly had economic consequences. The total scope of the economic loss, therefore, is considerably higher than the calculated estimate of the joint Jewish assets would indicate.
The reparation agencies awarded NOK 7,854,758.10 in 1947 values to the survivors as a whole. The total economic burden, however, placed on the Norwegian Jews through the procedure of liquidating estates during the war, and through the settlement and division of estates after the war, was greater than the amount eventually awarded by the reparations agencies. Although not all expenses charged to the estates reverted to the state treasury, most did so, and, in addition, the state itself inherited several estates. The special nature of this situation was due to the character and extent of the economic liquidation of property, as well as to the unique pattern of deaths caused by the systematic physical liquidation of the Norwegian Jews (see Table III, The Restitution Process after the War).
The Implementation of the Results of the Survey
The fact that the committee split into two and delivered two incompatible reports created a grave problem for the Norwegian Government. It meant that the Government had to choose between two sets of approaches and two ways of understanding history.
The interesting thing, though, is, that this incompatibility is also to be found in many of the ongoing processes in Europe today; contradicting viewpoints as regards a financial accounting approach and a humanistic one. The financial accounting approach implies knowledge of whether the rules and regulations from the post-war era were applied correctly or not. The humanistic approach is critical to the very fact that ordinary rules and regulations were applied to such an extraordinary situation as the Holocaust/Shoah. The 50 years of historical distance creates an ethical dilemma and a moral responsibility. The Norwegian Government chose the humanistic approach and was willing to take upon itself the subsequent responsibility and act accordingly. This means, in addition to an official apology to Norwegian Jewry, the Government will make a payment of NOK 450 million, the same amount that was confiscated by the Norwegian treasury during World War II. The total amount will be divided into four categories:
- Individual payments to all survivors and their heirs.
- Collective payments to the Jewish Communities in Norway and their institutions.
- Contribution to international Jewry.
- An initial sum to establish a Center for Holocaust Studies and studies of minority issues in general in Norway.
Berit Reisel, Psychologist, Bjarte Bruland, Historian,
Members of the Norwegian Restitution Committee, Oslo/Bergen
If you are interested in The Reisel/Bruland Report on the Confiscation of Jewish Property in Norway during the War. Part of Official Norwegian Report 1997:22, you may contact Berit Reisel, Borgenvn. 23b, 0373 Oslo.

POLAND
1997 was yet another year of the office of the Government Commissioner for Polish Cultural Heritage Abroad to work on the register of war losses in the area of art, but also the year of interesting events, meetings and initiatives of the Bureau and its collaborators.
In January the first issue of an new periodical - the "cenne, bezcenne/utracone" (valuable, priceless/lost) was published by the Warsaw Center for Protection and Preservation of Historical Relics and the Office of the Government Commissioner. The publication is devoted to the broadly understood cultural assets which, as a result of wars, robberies or due to other reasons (like the July flood in Poland) have been lost or suffered considerable damage. As regards war losses in the area of works of art, in every issue a catalogue is published together with illustrations, arranged by topics, presenting lost paintings, sculptures, decorative art etc. As a complement to the catalogue there are published brief articles devoted to the collections lost during the War or vanished individual works of art worth reminding because of their high artistic value or interesting history.
It is also noteworthy that in Berlin in April 1997 the first meeting of the Polish-German Working Group dealing with the documentation of cultural assets transferred in effect of the war into the territory of the other country took place. The second meeting took place in November in Warsaw. The objective of the newly established group is carrying out archival, documentary and identification work allowing to follow the war history of many works of art and being useful in locating their present whereabouts. The next meeting took place at the end of May 1998 at the Coordination Office of the Federal States for the Return of Cultural Property in Magdeburg.
No doubt a singularly noteworthy event was the return to Poland - after 53 years - of the 18th century painting from the Wilanow collection, by Pompeo Battoni (1708-1787) representing Apollo and two Muses - Euterpe and Urania (see section Restitutions). This painting of considerable size (122 x 90 cm) came back to Poland from the Pawlowsk Palace near St. Petersburg and the official transferring ceremony was held on October 28, 1997 in the office of the Government Commissioner for Polish Cultural Heritage Abroad at the Ministry of Culture and Art (see section Restitutions).
Monika Kuhnke, Office of the Commissioner
for the Polish Cultural Heritage Abroad, Warsaw

THE NETHERLANDS
At this moment there are several committees doing research on various issues connected with World War II. The most important ones are the following. The Van Kemenade Committee studies the assets dating back to the war held by foreign banks. The Scholten Committee does research into the so-called dormant accounts at Dutch banks and insurance companies. The Kordes Committee studies the archives which played a role in the settlement after the war of Jewish claims, such as the archive of the Amsterdam bank Lippmann, Rosenthal & Co.
The Ekkart Committee does research into the history of works of art which returned to the Netherlands after the war thanks to the art recovery efforts of the Ministry of Finance. This research is carried out jointly by the Inspectorate for Cultural Heritage ("Inspectie Cultuurbezit") in The Hague and the Netherlands Institute for Cultural Heritage ("Instituut Collectie Nederland") in Amsterdam. Objects which had been voluntarily sold to Germany during the occupation as well as recovered objects which remained unclaimed became the responsibility of the Ministry of Culture in 1952. From the paintings, drawings and objects of decorative arts whose history is unclear at this moment, a representative number of objects have been selected and a thorough attempt will be made to research their exact history and provenance. The
purpose of the investigation is to find out whether or not it is now possible, with archival and up to date art historical research, to find the hitherto unidentified owners. This research will take a few months to be completed. A report of the findings will then be given in the newsletter "Spoils of War".
All objects with a recovery history are registered and fully described and carry an inventory number starting with NK. In October last year, the Ministry of Culture published a brochure about this NK-collection. The Ministry of Culture will take documented new claims into consideration as well as claims which were rejected after the war but can now be documented by new evidence.
Josefine Leistra, Inspectorate of Cultural Heritage, The Hague

UKRAINE
On May 14-15, 1997 representatives of the Ukraine and Poland came together in Lviv for the first meeting of the Joint Commission on Questions of the Protection and Return of Cultural Property Lost or Illegally Removed during the Second World War. The meeting was co-chaired, for the Ukraine by Prof. Dr. Alexander Fedoruk, president of the National Commission for the Return of Cultural Treasures, attached to the Ukrainian Cabinet, and for Poland by Prof. Tadeusz Polak, Plenipotentiary of the Polish Government on Questions of Polish Cultural Heritage Abroad.
The meeting began with a discussion on the general principles of the work of protection and return of displaced cultural property, during which the participants affirmed that these principles must be based on the norms of international law, on Ukrainian-Polish state treaties, and also on mutual respect for the history and culture of the other party. Both delegations agreed that effective steps need to be taken to search for the lost cultural property linked with the history and culture of the Ukraine and Poland. Particular efforts are also required to register, exchange information on and guarantee free access to the cultural property that has already been identified. The two parties envisaged the creation of bilateral specialist working groups on historical cultural treasures in the form of archives, on those connected with libraries, and those of an artistic nature. The minutes of the talks - which were later approved by both parties - emphasized that the ultimate goal of these working groups would be to examine concrete proposals on joint action. The status and the conditions of the working groups' activities will be determined in the course of later meetings of the joint commission. A separate working group will be set up to consider questions concerning the stocks of the former Lviv library "Ossolineum" and to set the agenda for negotiations.
The Ukrainian party afforded the Polish delegation the opportunity to become acquainted with the exhibitions and the stocks of the museums, archives and libraries in Lviv. The Polish participants were satisfied and praised the steps being taken to protect and conserve the stocks of cultural treasures connected with the history and culture of the Polish and Ukrainian peoples. They considered the stocks generally to be in a satisfactory condition but affirmed the necessity to continue conservational and restorative work. Both parties voiced the desire that future meetings of the Commission be accompanied by visits to inspect the stocks of archives, libraries and museums of mutual interest.
In the course of the practical discussions certain divergences emerged in the approach to the subject of the talks. The papers delivered by the members the Polish delegation showed that it was dealing with a broad range of issues going beyond cultural property displaced during the Second World War and including objects and collections currently now located on Ukrainian territory due to the re-drawing of the borders between the two states after the war. The Ukrainian representatives emphasized the necessity to focus attention on specific items of displaced cultural property; they also drew the attention of the Polish party to documents on the removal of archival, museum and library stocks from the Ukraine in the period of the German occupation. These stocks are now largely located in Poland. The Ukrainian party gave concrete examples of Ukrainian cultural treasures displaced during the Second World War and currently located in Polish institutions, urging that these objects be returned.
Both delegations voiced their satisfaction with the friendly, constructive atmosphere of this first meeting of the Joint Commission. They expressed particular gratitude to the city authorities ofLviv for the good organization of the meeting, which allowed the talks to progress so well.
It was agreed that the next meeting of the Ukrainian-Polish Commission be held in Poland.
Sergei Kot, Ukrainian National Academy of Sciences,
Member of the Ukrainian delegation, Kiev
